Politically, Immigration Is Like Affirmative Action

As a political matter, immigration reform is a lot like affirmative action.

Both bring out deeply held, complex emotions.

Both involve race, which can be political dynamite.

And, how to handle the 12 million illegal immigrants is similar politically to the issue of compensation for past transgressions against blacks in that the public agrees on the broad goals, but not specific methods.

Perhaps most interestingly, it may well be the case with immigration, as it was with affirmative action, that a great many politicians - and those with whom they mix -- see the most divisive parts of the issue differently than a majority of their constituents.

Now, controversy remains over programs supporters call affirmative action and opponents label racial preferences. But, the hot-button issue of the 1980s and 1990s has been replaced by a broad bipartisan agreement that such programs need to be phased out.

This change followed decades of political combat over semantics. Few Americans opposed "affirmative action" defined as efforts to recruit minorities and bring them into the mainstream of U.S. economic life.

But many more Americans than its advocates were willing to acknowledge opposed government programs that gave racial minorities a leg up in college admissions, hiring and state contracting.

It took elections and ballot initiatives in a number of states to convince politicians who had led the drive for affirmative action/racial preferences that it was a political loser.

Immigration is similar because the vast majority of Americans support "immigration reform." But what that phrase means can vary widely. It would be wise to look at the polling data, not just the protest demonstrations.

There is public agreement on the need to stop the flood of human beings entering this country illegally.

But there is no consensus on how, and what else, if anything, should be done other than border control.

To most, immigration reform is not primarily about making it easier for those here without papers to integrate themselves into American society. However, public support for such steps is greatest among the more educated and affluent.

Many Americans think the flood of undocumented workers is harmful to working Americans by driving down wage scales. Others think rewarding those who violated U.S. law by allowing them to become citizens is wrong.

Whether or not one shares these peoples' concerns, those who don't would be wise to avoid categorizing those who do as racially motivated. That was the political mistake of many affirmative action advocates and it wore out their welcome in Middle America.

Then there is the business community, which sees illegal immigrants as vital to the U.S. economy. They focus on making it legal for such immigrants to work in the United States.

Finally, there is another group who believe that anything less than making illegal immigrants full citizens is morally unacceptable.

Immigration is a fast-changing issue, and the recent Senate debate and mass demonstrations may or may not have modified some peoples' views.

But U.S. public opinion has been much more supportive of changing the law to tighten the borders than anything else. And many Americans seem especially wary of offering citizenship.

A Quinnipiac University national poll released last month found Americans oppose making it easier for illegal immigrants to become legal workers by a 54-41 percent margin. But, they are even more against allowing those without documents to become citizens, by a 62-32 percent ratio.

This sentiment was not reflected in much of the U.S. Senate debate, which centered on how to legalize, rather than whether to legalize, illegal immigrants - and how to make them citizens.

It was when the debate about affirmative action became focused on preferences - the specific tool that ran into a wall of contrary public opinion - when the issue shifted from focusing on the rights of the minority to the concerns of the majority.

The increasing focus on citizenship for illegal immigrants potentially could serve the same role in this debate. We'll begin to see not just when the senators return from their Easter recess, but in November when the voters get their say.