February 28, 2003
The Importance of Estrada
by Jay Bryant

If Republicans stick to their guns on the Miguel Estrada nomination, they will win - not just his nomination, but a domestic test of will every bit as significant as the ones the Administration is currently playing on the international front.

In November of 1995, Newt Gingrich made a rare miscalculation, and underestimated the will of President Clinton in the famous government shutdown case. That miscalculation cost the Republicans the momentum from the 1994 elections, saved Clinton's presidency and cost Newt the speakership. Gingrich thought Congress could force Clinton to back down. "We've passed a bill to keep the government open," he said in my presence. "Sooner or later he'll have to sign it or take the blame."

No he didn't, and the lesson to be learned is that if a president has sufficient backbone, he can always win a game of chicken with Congress. In the long run, this may or may not be good for the country, but it's true nonetheless.

In the Estrada case, a presidential win would be very good for the country, at three different levels. First, it would place on the bench of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia and exceptionally deserving man, the substantive case against whom is, as those who are making it are well aware, a joke.

Second, it would demonstrate to the Democrats that they cannot use scorched-earth tactics to prevent the United States Senate from conducting its business in its traditional manner.

Third, it would facilitate the confirmation of several other judicial nominees waiting in the wings, thereby setting the table for the enrobement of a responsible judiciary that could have a positive impact on the nation for decades to come.

The key to any successful democracy is the willingness of losers to accept defeat. America taught the world how to do this, and now it happens routinely in the most remarkable places around the globe, from Russia to Belize. But in the 21st Century, the American Democratic Party has been backsliding.

First, they disputed the outcome of the 2000 Presidential election; now they are attempting to overturn the results of the 2002 Congressional elections by holding the Senate hostage from their minority position. What a contrast they present to the Republicans who, after the Jeffords switch calmly and with great dignity handed over the leadership to their opponents and pursued their objectives in the electoral arena. Yet this year, Democrats refused to allow the Senate even to organize rather than hand over committee chairmanships to the G.O.P., and now have sunk to a new level of odium - something never before even attempted in the history of the country - by filibustering the nomination of an appellate court judge.

They are doing it because they are partisan to a point beyond anything imaginable in those halcyon days of our youth, when leaders cared first about the welfare of the country, and when they found themselves in the minority, counted on the superiority of their ideas and campaign acumen to eventually reverse their fortunes.

In those days, the Democrats had left, center and right factions, with the latter two operating to brake the runaway train tendency of the left. Now the right and center together are reduced to a handful of noble anachronisms, and the embittered left, mostly men and women who learned their politics in the violence and outrage of the 1960's, has turned to guerilla tactics.

For them, the stakes seem enormous; their principal fear is that a Republican judiciary will overturn Roe v. Wade. They may or may not be right, but what's important is that they believe it could happen, and they know public support for the various steps from here to there is trending against them, as has been shown by recent Gallup polls showing massive majorities for measures such as a ban on partial birth abortions, parental consent, waiting periods and other restrictions left-wing Democrats find abhorrent. With public support hardening against them, legislative action on these issues is certain to follow, and then it will be up to judges to decide if the new laws are constitutional.

That is why they are willing to go to such extremes.

But time is running out on their game. If war comes, they cannot possibly hold the Senate hostage simply to appease their displeasure on such an innocuous figure as Estrada, and even before that, if the President and Senator Frist will but take a lesson from Clinton and hang tough, the filibuster will soon enough crumble under the weight of public disgust.

Other articles by RealClearPolitics contributor Jay Bryant may be found on his web site The Optimate. A former television producer, Republican media consultant and educator, Bryant has served in top staff positions in both the Senate and House, as well as state government.

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