November
15, 2005
Harvard's Court
By Richard
Cohen
William F. Buckley, a founder of contemporary conservatism, once said he ``would
rather live in a society governed by the first 2,000 names in the Boston phone
directory than in one governed by the 2,000 members of the Harvard faculty.''
Since saying that, conservatism has gone from a fringe movement to the dominant
ideology of American political life. It now controls two branches of the federal
government and is about to add the third -- the Supreme Court. Alas for Buckley,
Harvard still rules.
With the retirement of Sandra Day O'Connor (Stanford and Stanford Law), the
Supreme Court will have six justices -- including the new chief, John Roberts
-- who have attended either Harvard College or Harvard Law School. If Yale and
Princeton are thrown in for good measure -- along with Harvard, the favorite
schools of the old East Coast Protestant establishment -- then the figure goes
to eight out of nine, assuming Samuel Alito Jr. is confirmed. John Paul Stevens
-- he of the University of Chicago and Northwestern School of Law -- will be
the last non-Ivy League holdout.
You might think that the lock the Ivy League has on the Supreme Court is long-standing.
Not so. This is a rather new phenomenon and is a direct result of the movement
in these schools to admit students on the basis of merit -- however that is
defined. At one time, merit was defined as having certain leadership qualities
that matched those of the old WASP elite and were largely designed, in the words
of Harvard's early 20th-century president A. Lawrence Lowell, to ``prevent a
dangerous increase in the proportion of Jews.'' Harvard lost that battle --
but won the war.
The Lowell quote is from Jerome Karabel's fascinating new book, ``The Chosen.''
It details the efforts made by the Ivies -- in particular Harvard, Yale and
Princeton -- to keep out Jews. The admissions department with its demands for
interviews and references, questions about your mother's maiden name (now we
know why) and other attempts to filter out the undesirable Hebrews, was originally
introduced to avoid the sort of school Yale was becoming in 1929 when its admissions
chairman, Robert Corwin, likened the list of newly admitted students to ``a
recent roll call at the Wailing Wall.'' Yalies always could frame a quote.
The paradox is that the dismantling of the old boy network and the introduction
of merit has produced a greater concentration of power in the Ivy League. This
is particularly the case in law, where Ivies are disproportionally represented
on the elite law firms, law school faculties and, most important, the Supreme
Court.
Karabel, whose book contains 116 pages of notes, astoundingly has data in his
computer that he did not include in the book. Among those he fetched out for
me is the fact that of the 53 justices who served on the Supreme Court in the
20th century, only 11 went to Harvard Law (the current court already has five),
four went to Yale (two on the current court) and four to Columbia (one at the
moment). The rest went all over the place -- including to no law school at all.
For instance, Robert Jackson -- U.S. attorney general, chief prosecutor at the
Nuremberg war crimes trials and an FDR appointee to the Supreme Court -- went
to no college and attended the Albany School of Law. He will, you can be assured,
be the last to have done so.
With the recent nomination of Alito, much was made of the fact that if he is
confirmed, Roman Catholics will comprise a majority on the court. What this
means no one can quite say since Antonin Scalia and Anthony Kennedy are both
Catholics but hardly see eye to eye on constitutional matters. The same could
be said about the way the Ivies, particularly Harvard, dominate the court. What
does it mean?
Well, at a minimum, it means that the court's membership is not as variegated
as it once was. Sure, Clarence Thomas (Yale) and Scalia (Harvard) hardly come
from the old WASP establishment, but in some immeasurable sense they were formed
or affected by Ivy League institutions. Gone, for one thing, are politicians
like Earl Warren (Berkeley) or civil rights lawyers like Thurgood Marshall (Howard),
whose life experiences informed their decisions.
What we now have is an intellectual elite, smart as hell, no doubt, but a bit
short on political or, even, executive experience. It governs -- once from the
left, soon from the right but more and more from the same place: the banks of
the Charles.
© 2005, Washington Post Writers Group
http://www.realclearpolitics.com/Commentary/com-11_15_05_RC.html